Tag Archives: Sixth Amendment

A Legal Primer – It’s Not Complicated

There has been much coverage of the arrest and immediate deportation of alleged “criminals” and “illegals” by the Trump administration. These actions are apparently part of the Republican plan to “make America white,” although in recent days Trump has pulled back the aggression as to certain workers. Why? Because he has realized that his shoot-first-think-later approach to domination may be offending some of his supporters whose businesses depend on immigrant labor. But from day-to-day Trump’s erratic approach to governance, largely made up on the fly, can change radically.

This primer is not, however, about our national immigration policy. It is instead about elementary constitutional and legal processes that are an essential part of our legal system. These principles apply to immigrants as well as citizens, and one day they might apply to you, as when Trump’s masked and armed men who refuse of identify themselves pull your car over or visit you at home or work.

First, the Constitution itself.

Fourth Amendment:

The right of the people to be secure in their persons, houses, papers, and effects, against unreasonable searches and seizures, shall not be violated, and no Warrants shall issue, but upon probable cause, supported by Oath or affirmation, and particularly describing the place to be searched, and the persons or things to be seized.

Fifth Amendment:

….  nor shall any person be subject for the same offence to be twice put in jeopardy of life or limb; nor shall be compelled in any criminal case to be a witness against himself, nor be deprived of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law; nor shall private property be taken for public use, without just compensation.

Sixth Amendment:

In all criminal prosecutions, the accused shall enjoy the right to a speedy and public trial, by an impartial jury of the State and district wherein the crime shall have been committed, which district shall have been previously ascertained by law, and to be informed of the nature and cause of the accusation; to be confronted with the witnesses against him; to have compulsory process for obtaining witnesses in his favor, and to have the Assistance of Counsel for his defence. 

To keep this manageable, we’re going to focus on the text that I have bolded. But first we must include the function of magistrates. Virginia law is typical:

A principal function of a magistrate is to provide an independent, unbiased review of complaints of criminal conduct brought by law enforcement …. Magistrate duties include issuing various types of processes such as arrest warrants, summonses, search warrants, emergency protective orders, emergency custody orders, and certain civil warrants. Magistrates also conduct bail hearings in instances in which an individual is arrested to determine under what conditions the arrestee should be released from custody prior to trial.

Finally, there is the Supreme Court decision in Miranda v. Arizona (1966) that applied the Fifth and Sixth Amendments to the arrest phase of a criminal case. The Court held that any person in custody must, before being interrogated, be informed of the right to remain silent and the right to assistance of an attorney.

One other thing –no evidence has been produced that the armed masked men working for ICE and conducting what amount to kidnappings for the government have any meaningful training in the legal principles that govern what they are doing.

Now, the facts: let’s say you’re in a park with your two young children. An unmarked van pulls up and several masked men jump out. They are heavily armed. They tell you that you are under arrest for violating you immigration status, and that you must come with them. Or maybe they don’t tell you anything except to get the van, NOW!

You protest that you are an American citizen. You demand they explain the basis for the charges and that they identify themselves. They refuse. You are then handcuffed and forced into the van. You protest that your children are with you and have no one to care for them because your spouse is away on business. The men ignore you.

The next thing you know, you are on an airplane headed to an unknown destination but that soon becomes clear is not in the United States.

In my hypothetical case, you are in fact an American citizen and the men are wrong about who you are. They have been misinformed by someone in the U.S. Department of Homeland Security.

Your rights have been violated in multiple ways. No warrant for your arrest has been issued, you are not given your Miranda warnings, and you are not taken before a magistrate who determines whether your arrest is proper. You are given no opportunity to consult counsel who can present your defense that you are a U.S. citizen and not subject to deportation. Your right to a trial has been ignored. And you have been prevented from caring for your children who have been left in the hands of, hopefully, kind strangers.

This scenario has happened many times under the Trump administration’s “deport the criminal immigrants” policy. It is not complicated. The Constitution’s due process requirements refer to “persons,” not to “citizens.” It means what it says.

The reasons for the various “rules” and “principles” are straightforward and obvious when you think about it. The legal process, while slow, is designed to prevent mistakes. It is designed to assure that every person accused of a crime has a fair chance to understand the charges, to seek professional help, and to avoid mistakes that could impose criminal penalties on the wrong person. While Trump has complained by providing due process may require thousands of trials, that does not negate the rights of individuals to the protections of the Constitution.

The Trump administration’s unleashing of masked men who refuse to identify themselves and whose approach creates strong possibilities for mistaken arrests, and which imposes extreme penalties (removal to other states or, worse, deportation to foreign countries) with no opportunity to consult counsel, or to understand the charges, is certain to deny constitutional protections to the accused.

The idea that persons in the United States may be removed from the street or their home or a job, without notice, by unidentified armed men, transferred to other states and then removed from the country to a foreign prison without any opportunity to consult counsel, without any opportunity to protect family members including small children dependent on them, is unconstitutional, unlawful, and un-American. It is almost certainly a human rights violation and is unacceptable in the U.S. system of law.

And under the Trump administration it is happening every day.

The Presumption of Innocence

With all the Republican handwringing about Trump’s multiple indictments and efforts to interfere with the administration of justice (including defunding the Special Counsel’s office – to be covered in separate post), it may be useful to consider what the “presumption of innocence” means.

Some people appear to believe that the presumption of innocence has some meaning outside the courtroom and that a person cannot be “guilty” when “presumed innocent. That belief is wrong. The presumption is a legal process concept not found as such in the Constitution but implied by the right to a fair trial. The Sixth Amendment provides:

In all criminal prosecutions, the accused shall enjoy the right to a speedy and public trial, by an impartial jury of the state and district wherein the crime shall have been committed, which district shall have been previously ascertained by law, and to be informed of the nature and cause of the accusation; to be confronted with the witnesses against him; to have compulsory process for obtaining witnesses in his favor, and to have the assistance of counsel for his defense.

The practical result of those words is that the accused cannot be convicted, i.e., formally found “guilty” of the alleged crimes without a trial and process that complies with the Sixth Amendment and other applicable sections of the Constitution and laws. But that does not mean that the accused is “innocent.” It means that in court, the accused enjoys the protections associated with “fair trial” at the end of which a decision of “guilt” or “innocence” will be made. It means he hasn’t been found guilty yet. This may seem like a “dancing on the head of a pin” issue, but Trump’s acolytes make much of it and the media constantly repeat it.

Being “presumed innocent” doesn’t mean you are innocent. It means you haven’t yet been found guilty by the proper process. If you are not guilty, you cannot be kept in jail pending trial unless some limited conditions are met and appropriate, evidence-based findings are made. These include being a flight risk. Or a threat to witnesses.

So, Donald Trump may be “presumed innocent” but he is not “innocent.” No one, even his most ardent sycophantic idolizers, has argued that the facts alleged in the four criminal indictments against him are untrue. Nor could they make credible arguments to that effect. Instead, they deflect and distract with unproven and unprovable claims that the various governments that charged Trump have been “weaponized” for purposes of political revenge, or to keep Trump out of the 2024 race, or Trump shouldn’t be held accountable because others for whom no meaningful evidence of criminal conduct was ever brought forward have not been charged with crimes. Or or or or something anything, look a flying squirrel, look a UFO!

Trump’s only defense is delay. On the merits, on the facts, he is dead in the water. And yes, yes, he has the legal right to ask the state courts to remove the cases to federal court [all should be denied] and the legal right to ask that trial dates be put off to 2050 [denied].

Yes, Trump has us right where we want him. American justice is painfully slow, but Trump’s standard playbook is toast. The only real question is how long this is going to take.

One other thing. Various of Trump’s political allies are trying to have Jack Smith’s Special Counsel office defunded as a means of stopping the prosecution. In Georgia, efforts are under way to impeach or otherwise halt the prosecution by Fanni Willis. I believe all of these efforts constitute obstruction of justice, and it is past time for the governments involved to say so. Republicans in Congress have no business interfering with a criminal prosecution any more than they could pass a law saying that prior conduct of a particular individual, criminal at the time, was retroactively no longer criminal. The Republican Party has lost its claim to being the party of “law and order.”